Monday, September 28, 2020

Several posts from old Newz from Limbo site

&nbs

Schroeder-Bernstein in NBG

@ means less numerous than or equally numerous with
# means less numerous than
~  means equinumerous
/x/ means cardinal of x
e   means element of
€  means subset of
¥  is the intersection symbol

Theorem: (x @ y)(y @ x) --> x ~ y

Proof:
x # y --> No bijection exists from x to y; ran(x) ¥ y is non-empty.
So x e T, where T is the class of sets each of which is bijective with x.
So x ~ /x/ e T and /x/ e On U 0. Likewise for y.
From this, we see that
x @ y equiv. to /x/ <= /y/
Now /x/ <= /y/ --> /x/ € of /y/
and likewise for /y/ <= /x/
Thus (x@y)(y@x) -> (/x/ € /y/)(/y/ € /x/)  -> /x/ = /y/ -> x ~ y

Wednesday, June 8, 2016

Who stole Clinton's email?

WHO STOLE CLINTON'S EMAIL?
Pssst... Whoever stole Clinton's emails probably violated the Espionage Act.
Here are the basics:
1. An intelligence system inspector general found that some public emails on her private server concerned special access national security programs and recommended counterintelligence action.
2.  An unknown number of government emails went missing after State Dept. lawyers sought all her work-related emails.
Most remain unaccounted for.
As the FBI is already checking on Clinton's apparent violation of security protocols, it has little choice but to investigate the apparent theft of government documents, some of which could well have been highly classified.
3. Clinton declined to turn over the data until she and her staff had had a chance to weed out personal emails.
4. Obviously, the FBI would need to question Clinton and her aides about the missing documents. The feds would also need to look into the possibility that a foreign power hacked her account and for its own reasons erased certain documents.
5. As in the Valery Plame national security leak case, which involved high-level Bush administration officials, the correct course of action would be appointment of an independent, outside counsel to oversee the investigation.

Friday, April 15, 2016

Will Europe censor America's news?

The Euro union's new internet privacy measure may well be used to limit what news Americans can read.

In the United States, the Washington Post had the right to publish the leaked Pentagon Papers. In Britain, Publisher Katherine Graham and Editor Ben Bradlee, would have been prosecuted for violation of the secrecy law (modified in 1989).

 "You are reminded that to publish the contents of a document which is known to have been unlawfully disclosed by a crown servant is in itself a breach of section 5 of the Official Secrets Act 1989," newspapers were warned concerning the "Downing Street" scandal. But the alternative internet press in America had no problem covering that scandal, in which it was revealed that Tony Blair had had to dissuade George Bush from bombing the Al Jazeera press offices.

The European Parliament's action to require that non-European internet companies block unwanted web sites could well mean that we in America would be prohibited from seeing material from the Snowden data trove, or from reading Hillary Clinton's emails on Wikileaks, on grounds that her position involved European secrets that the Euro union governments would prefer to keep their voters from seeing.

Britain has on the books a law that compels servers to de-list sites that "glorify" terrorism. The Euro-union presumably could order Google to black out U.S. sites that promote the second amendment.

Thursday, April 7, 2016

CLINTON CAMPAIGN CHIEF'S FIRM
LOBBIES FOR RIGHTS ABUSERS
Podesta Group's client named in Panama Papers
Combined from Free Beacon and Public Integrity reports
A firm with ties to senior members of the Hillary Clinton presidential campaign registered to lobby on behalf of a major Russian bank just weeks before a massive leak exposed the bank’s role in a web of secret financial dealings that have enriched members of Russian president Vladimir Putin’s inner circle.
The “Panama Papers” are being called “the Wikileaks of the mega-rich.” Corporate documents leaked from the law firm Mossack Fonseca show how world leaders have used offshore tax havens to hide their involvement in lucrative companies and business deals around the world.
Among those companies is the Russian Sberbank, whose U.S. investment banking branch recently enlisted the services of the Podesta Group. According to its lobbying registration form, the firm will work on banking, trade, and foreign relations issues.
One of the three lobbyists working on the account is Tony Podesta, a bundler for the Clinton campaign and the brother of campaign chairman John Podesta, who co-founded the firm.
Politico reported last month that Podesta and two of the firm’s other lobbyists would be working to affect “the scope of U.S. sanctions against Russia for its role in the Ukraine conflict and whether relief is possible.”
And Podesta Group took $7,067,891 from 'worst' violators of human rights, records show.
The firm was paid to spruce up the image of Azerbaijan, a country whose government represses political activists, human rights advocates and journalists.
Azerbaijani journalist Khadija Ismayilova was sentenced to seven and a half years in prison after being convicted on charges including tax evasion and abuse of power — charges widely condemned by human rights groups and journalism organizations. Ismayilova is a member of the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, a project of the Center for Public Integrity. The consortium unleashed the Panama Papers scandal.
Podesta Group characterized Azerbaijan’s 2013 election as a step in “strengthening its democratic society.” The human rights group Freedom House issued a report which said the election was “marred by candidate and voter intimidation … and other serious irregularities.”
Podesta Group has represented Azerbaijan since 2013, receiving $1.9 million for its services since then.
Other nations, such as communist Vietnam, along with Thailand and Egypt, have also hired Podesta Group.


Countries with the worst human rights violation records have spent $168 million on U.S. lobbyists and public relations specialists.
PUBLICINTEGRITY.ORG

Wednesday, March 30, 2016

Cruz ignoring Obama gag order

And Americans don't seem to mind...

Would that more public figures would blow off idiotic federal no-talk rules applied for political reasons.

The Senate Intelligence Committee has deep-sixed a probe into whether Ted Cruz revealed classified information when, during a presidential debate, he discussed the government’s ability to monitor phone records.

“The committee is not investigating anything said during" a Republican presidential debate, top committee members have revealed.

Thus far, Cruz has suffered no political fallout among the electorate for his purported indiscretion on national television.

The Cruz campaign justifies breaking the federal gag order on grounds that it is absurd to stay silent about anything that has already been "widely reported." This view seems consistent with the perspective of the woman or man in the street, though the liberal news commentary organization MSNBC tried to make an issue of the technicality.

“There’s nothing that Senator Cruz said" during December's debate "that wasn’t widely reported and saturated in the public domain,” a campaign spokeswoman, Catherine Frazier, told NBC News.

The intelligence committee's bipartisan brush-off of the "scandal" came after panel chairman Richard Burr (R-NC) said that his staff would look into whether Cruz violated a gag order on discussing NSA surveillance. The issue came up when GOP rival Marco Rubio (R-FL) implied that Cruz had violated a secret arrangement to refrain from public mention of certain matters.

“The old program covered 20 percent to 30 percent of phone numbers to search for terrorists; the new program covers nearly 100 percent,” Cruz said of the NSA's metadata surveillance system, adding that “that gives us greater ability to stop acts of terrorism."

Rubio began his response to Cruz by saying, “Let me be very careful when answering this, because I don’t think national television in front of 15 million people is the place to discuss classified information.”

And, Rebecca Glover Watkins, a top spokeswoman for Chairman Burr, tweeted just after the exchange: "Cruz shouldn’t have said that."

But, as intelligence panel lawmakers understood, Cruz's judgment was to prove accurate: Federal gag orders based on technicalities get little respect from the voters.

Rubio has since dropped out of the race.

Tuesday, February 16, 2016

Sy Hersh's blemished record

Seymour M. Hersh still regards himself as an investigative reporter. In a London Review of Books article published in May, he quoted an intelligence source who trashed the White House account of the killing of Bin Laden. http://www.lrb.co.uk/v37/n10/seymour-m-hersh/the-killing-of-osama-bin-laden

Hersh's report was derided because only one anonymous source was used. In his defense, I observe that one true insider is worth a dozen anonymous sources who are less well placed. The issue is whether Hersh believed his source and whether the reporter had an ax to grind.
                                         Seymour M. Hersh
Surely it is disturbing that all photographs of events inside the Bin Laden compound were either deliberately destroyed or handed off to the CIA, which, unlike other federal entities, does not have to make them public under freedom of information statutes. The fact that the body was ditched at sea rather than brought back for autopsy and secret burial on some military base adds to the aura of mystery.

So one may be inclined to give Hersh the benefit of the doubt.

On the other hand, Hersh, whose specialty is investigative reporting, spent five years looking into John F. Kennedy's foibles and in the process concluded that JFK had been killed by Lee Harvey Oswald and that Jack Ruby was another deranged loner. The murder of Kennedy, a man with many powerful enemies, and the silencing of Oswald were non-conspiratorial, according to Hersh.

From Hersh's book, The Dark Side of Camelot (Little Brown, 1997):

"Over the next thirty-five years, the nation would remain obsessed with the Kennedy assassination. Hundreds of books would be written, full of feverish speculation about Oswald and Ruby and their possible links to organized crime or Soviet intelligence. In five years of reporting for this book, I found nothing that would change the instinctive conclusions of Julius Draznin, or the much more detailed findings of the Warren Commission -- Oswald and Ruby acted alone."

Hersh cites one source, Draznin, who was an expert on the Chicago mob, for this conclusion, though hundreds of important sources were still available to be interviewed in the 1990s. Hersh fails to mention the investigations of congressional committees in the 1970s which did not affirm the Warren report. Hersh discredited hundreds of books with one phrase, as if none of those writers could have been fairly good investigators.

Hersh implies that because some books are of poor quality, they must all be bad. However, I have read many of those books and found that though some are amateurish, many are highly accurate. That doesn't mean that within thousands of details there might not be slip-ups or misinterpretations. But the weight of the evidence is overwhelmingly against the Warren Commission. 

I would add that much of the controversy in the 1970s followed the line set by James Angleton, a top CIA man, that Cuban intelligence deployed Oswald as the shooter. However, CIA people involved in anti-Castro activities kept surfacing in connection with the Dallas murder.

As to possible Soviet intrigue, it is faintly possible that Hersh was ignorant of or had forgot the fact that Angleton, the CIA man who controlled what the Warren panel knew, was later named by his top aide as a probable Red mole. 

Oswald was blamed for turning over U2 secrets to the Soviets but Angleton already knew that a CIA mole had betrayed those secrets before Oswald "defected." Like his friend, the British arch traitor Kim Philby, Angleton controlled the mole hunt.

                                  James Angleton, left, and Kim Philby

It was Hersh who was tipped by a high-level intelligence source that Angleton had been running illegal programs to spy on Americans. Hersh's December 1974 report forced Angleton out without the CIA having to disclose that he had been identified in 1974 by his aide, Clare Edward Petty, as a probable Soviet agent.

Petty was forced to retire immediately on alerting agency bosses. Yet later, the CIA chief at the time, William Colby, said that "I couldn't find" that Angleton's unit had "ever caught a spy" and "that really bothered me."

The books that absolve the CIA of a role in Kennedy's murder and the ensuing coverup tend to  misrepresent important details. Somewhere (hopefully) I have notes that point this out.

It may of course be relevant that Hersh has long had high-level intelligence agency sources. Perhaps these sources led him around by the nose. It's a favored game among intelligence professionals to lay a trail for a "useful idiot" reporter to follow. It's also routine for reporters, as with police and intelligence people, to obtain information from people with unsavory motives, though the information  still has to be checked. 


Curiously, soon after the 9/11 attacks, Hersh quoted an intelligence source as saying someone appeared to have laid a false trail for "useful idiot" FBI agents to follow.


At any rate, Hersh's handling of the JFK slaying issue tells us that we should read The Dark Side of Camelot and his other reports with great caution.

Saturday, September 19, 2015

A Socratic dialogue on abortion

September 19, 2015 at 1:49pm
P: Is there a fundamental right to abortion?
Q: Of course.
P: So any woman has a right to terminate her pregnancy for any reason?
Q: Undoubtedly.
P: Well, suppose the preborn being -- or perhaps we might say potential human -- experiences pain during the termination process?
Q: As the, er, being is not viable, how can it experience pain?
P: If there are physiological studies that show that the being's reactions are consistent with a viable infant's feeling of pain, would that be relevant?
Q: Well, then you are only talking about what MIGHT be.
P: So if there is a possibility that the being in the womb experiences pain during abortion, that possibility is of no relevance to society?
Q: Not to society, but that consideration might affect a woman's personal decision.
P: None of society's business?
Q: No.
P: So if a woman decides to terminate a pregnancy for trivial or shallow reasons, that is her affair.
Q: Yes.
P: In many cases, the decision for abortion is economically based, as when the family of a young woman presses her to abort so that she can go on to an economically prosperous life, or when a woman aborts the being in her womb because she has enough children and doesn't want one more mouth to feed. Is that correct?
Q: Economic issues are plainly a driving force behind abortion.
P: Also, many women resent the idea that a male-dominated society may control a woman's right to reproduce. So-called reproductive rights.
Q: Yes, very true.
P:  What is it that she doesn't want reproduced?
Q: Another human, but that's only after birth. Before birth, the quality of humanity doesn't exist.
P: So you say. Others would say, before the first trimester. And there are yet other ideas. So there is little agreement about when the being in the womb becomes a bona fide human being.  Anyway, wouldn't you agree that "reproduce" means reproduce oneself?
Q: Well, the child is not a clone. The father's genes contribute.
P: So she is reproducing herself and her sex partner.
Q: I suppose.
P: And that reproduction is in progress in the womb. So is she not destroying a reproduction of herself?
Q: You are just playing word games.
P: Well, you do agree that a woman has a right to terminate a pregnancy for economic reasons.
Q: Correct.
P: So then, a woman -- perhaps in consultation with her partner -- has a right to terminate a pregnancy based on the sex, or gender, of the being in the womb.
Q: I don't quite follow.
P: She has a right to terminate a pregnancy based on sex preference.
Q: It's a trivial reason, but I suppose it is none of society's business.
P: Now suppose a large number of women preferentially abort females? Would that be acceptable?
Q: It doesn't sound right, but fortunately that isn't the case.
P: What do you think feminists would think of such a practice?
Q: They would probably try to outlaw it.
P:  So then society does have an interest in maintaining the life of a being in the womb?
Q:  Your scenario is not the case.
P:  You are wrong; it is a fact. In India, couples routinely terminate females in the womb for socioeconomic reasons. Further, there is a shortage of brides there, which is the consequence of this practice. India's laws against revealing the sex of the being in the womb have proved ineffective.
Q: Well, point. But this isn't India.
P: The original question was, Is there a FUNDAMENTAL right to abortion?
Q: Ah, I see what you mean. If we must go by cases, there isn't a fundamental, all-encompassing right.
P: So society is permitted to take an interest in the welfare of the being in the womb.
Q: I would say you have made a good case. But, unfortunately for you, most people think in memes, and won't follow philosophical arguments.
P: Agreed.

No comments:

Thursday, September 3, 2020

Footnote eCp421

Footnote eCp421.

A subtle error in Roe v Wade


Argument from ignorance
implies an irrational gamble


The text of the opinion
https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/410/113

Justice Byron White, in his dissent on Roe v Wade, observed that the majority had held that the Constitution "values the convenience, whim or caprice of the putative mother more than the life or potential life of the fetus..."

White's dissent, with Rehnquest joining
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roe_v._Wade/Dissent_White

In Justice Harry Blackmun's majority opinion, the court spoke of "the wide divergence of thinking on this most sensitive and difficult question." The court continued:
There has always been strong support for the view that life does not begin until live birth. This was the belief of the Stoics. It appears to be the predominant, though not unanimous, attitude of the Jewish faith. It may be taken to represent also the position of a large segment of the Protestant community, insofar as that can be ascertained...
The justices believe, "When those trained in the respective disciplines of medicine, philosophy, and theology are unable to arrive at any consensus, the judiciary, at this point in the development of man's knowledge, is not in a position to speculate as to the answer."

A subtle error lies in the majority opinion. But first note that they only mention those favorable to their position.

For example, what of Hippocrates and his oath, which relates abortion to doctor-assisted euthanasia? "I will not give a lethal drug to anyone if I am asked, nor will I advise such a plan; and similarly I will not give a woman a pessary to cause an abortion." That oath certainly had a profound effect over the centuries. Why are all these doctors dismissed in preference to the Stoics?

Second, observe that they do not consider that the view of Stoics and other Greeks may have stemmed from the profound state of ignorance about what goes on in the womb. Even at the time of Roe v Wade, medical knowledge had advanced greatly beyond what was known even 50 years previously. This is something that is relevant to the views of various liberal religious sectors. Why? Because religious beliefs usually take quite some time in their adaptation to new knowledge. But, silence on this from the majority. That's because their reasoning is superficial, even lazy.

But, now to the subtle error.

HOW DO YOU WAGER?
That the court should not take sides as to the answer about the origin of life does not imply that it should therefore gamble 50/50 on getting the right or wrong result. If a consequence could be sufficiently catastrophic, then even a low probability of failure may not be worthwhile.

Consider the "six sigma" idea of prevention of disaster when carrying out a mission. NASA aims for six sigma (or a probability of success of 99.99966% ) by building in redundant systems. If system A fails, backup system B kicks in, and if that fails, then backup C... and so on. In other words, the "real world" takes very seriously low probability of failure when failure is utterly unacceptable.

Think of when that mentality has not been at work, or not sufficiently so: The Chernobyl and Fukushima nuclear disasters. The public was assured that chances of a nuclear accident were very low. But, low probability events on occasion DO occur. So we can say now that the builders' gamble did not pay off because they did not weigh the price of failure.

A thought experiment: Suppose 100 pistols are laid at random on a table, only one gun holding a bullet, which is in the chamber. You are offered the possibility of $10,000 if you survive a game of Russian roulette. Your chance of death by gun is a minimal 1 percent. Is the risk of your life worth taking the gamble? What if the prize were $1 million?

What will you give in exchange for your very life?

The fact that you have a 99% chance of success (without taking into account whether you might be seeking trouble by testing God) does not make the game a good idea.

The justices are saying that no one really can say who is right about the origin or sanctity of human life. Thus, they say that society (as embodied by them) must gamble that there is no catastrophic harm done by the wanton killing of a fetus. That is, from their perspective, it is 50/50 whether any terrible harm is done – whether to the putative mother, to the fetus (since no one is sure what all that concept entails) and to the people at large.

So the error lies in the notion that when there is a fair chance that a bomb lying in the street is a dud, that therefore we should hence do nothing about it. Let people fool with it, kids play on it, etc., as they please.

The problem for the court is that once a fetus has been killed, the decision is irrevocable. Whatever terrible harm might have occurred has occurred. Maybe chances are actually low that there is any real harm. But, low does not mean ignorable, as our examples above show.

What we have is a variant of Pascal's wager, of course, but a variant that has immediate social application.

White's comment cited above is pertinent here. The majority has not really been neutral. It "values the convenience, whim or caprice of the putative mother more than the life or potential life of the fetus..." But even that is granting the majority too much. They may assume that the woman is being favored here, but as we have argued, they do not at all know that to be so.

KNOTTY QUESTIONS
The majority's appeal to ignorance is reflected in the millenia-old debate between materialists and non-materialists, between those who believe that particles of inert matter (or these days quanta of unconscious energy) account for everything, including all subtleties of human consciousness, and those who regard potential as implying something beyond the accidental.

In the 18th Century, Samuel Clarke and Anthony Collins publicly debated the notion of the human soul. Clarke defended the Platonic idea that souls are immaterial, hence indivisible and immortal, whereas Clarke urged that the soul is material. By soul they meant "substance with the power of thinking." Their dispute turned on whether a system of mere matter can think, as had been proposed by John Locke.

"As those who are familiar with contemporary philosophy of mind will know from similar debates in our own times, this particular conflict may be unresolvable," write Raymond Martin and John Barressi in their account of this debate.1 I have added the emphasis in order to underscore the falseness of the "background assumption" held by many that the machine paradigm of life and the cosmos is proved or completely adds up.

Much of the "abortion philosophy" debate that I have reviewed concerns the idea of consciousness. I have no doubt that this is an important issue – but let us not forget the classical notion of human free will.

This leads to the question, how can a machine have a will? How can it be held accountable for a good or a bad choice, a moral or an immoral choice? Certainly, we may expect that some advanced AI machine program will be able to display a pseudo-will. It may bring enough data into the mix, with enough selection algorithms, to make a very effective android – i.e., a human-like machine. But, it still is only re-active, not pro-active. If we humans believe in the necessity of a will, then we must ask what would be the basis for that will. There must be some non-machine core that enables us to make pro-active decisions. There must be some non-machine rudder or pilot that permits us to not only make decisions, but to be held morally accountable for those decisions.

Some philosophers will respond that while that may be so, it does not follow that a god must exist. (See Thomas Nagel, for example.) And I agree that for the moment we may avoid a discussion of God and "his" existence. Yet, in doing so, we do not avert the issue of what we may mean by some non-mechanical, presumably non-materialistic substance to which we resort when we invoke our will. In other words, a soul by any other name is still a soul.

Yes, I realize you may have assumed that this Cartesian argument has been effectively refuted. But, in point of fact, it has not. On the other hand, I am not really a Cartesian, because I do not hold a materialist view of phenomena, even though the science of "materialism" calculates well, in its sphere. That is, being able to calculate the motions and radiations of phenomena does not mean that these phenomena are composed of unconscious bits of energy only. Behind and beyond the phenomena we have already concluded is the soul. Other substances like one's soul – in being non-material and "core" forces – would also be expected to exist. That is, the "material world" is the outward projection of various immaterial dynamics.1a

Supposing that souls are mere figments of our old-fashioned imagination, we would be disposed to admit that there is no reason not to shelve the fetus as an only partly activated software program. Who cares what you do to a bit of software? Aborting software is nothing. Of course, you can say that about a just-born infant – and a number of abortion advocates do say that children under age 2 don't fulfill the criteria of sentient, conscious, self-aware humans, so that there is nothing intrinsically wrong in killing them – though social aversion might have to be taken into account. They are right. Even a software program that has been running a number of years has no intrinsic right to life. The state can kill anyone at anytime. Murder is, at bottom, meaningless. How can you murder a software program?

Of course the abortionist/infanticide folks don't think you should kill them. Hey, that's against the law! But, if they lack souls – as they seem to believe – then their will to survive is simply a machine feedback loop, and really means nothing. So much for their right to life.

Well, THAT'S different, they say. People with desires, expectations and self-awareness do have a right to life. But, why do these people think so? What's the big deal about shutting off a machine?

Typical of "abortion philosophy" thinking: "To be brief, human beings are paradigmatically self-aware intentional beings who stand in complex relationships of social indeterdependency with other human beings"2. What does the author mean by intentional? An AI program follows a pattern that appears to be intentional; that is, it calculates and updates its calculations in accordance with a set of (perhaps nested) goals. Yet, we don't care at all about shutting off that "intentional" program. It's what we – perhaps subliminally – assume is behind intentionality that is important to us. That force or soul should not be arbitrarily disconnected, we strongly feel.

So, another point here is that those who believe in a right of a "self-aware intentional being" to life are, whether they like it or not, forced to concede the necessity of human souls. Of course, most of these persons are neither scientists nor logicians. So they assume there must be some epiphenomenal way out of the conundrum. But, not so.

And, for the Christian (and not only), the question may be asked: "Is a fetus your neighbor?"

DEHUMANIZING THE OTHER
That last sentiment relates to an often-overlooked factor with respect to the protection  of human life: the ability to empathize with the Other – to identify, that is, with the Other. We at least to a degree tend to place ourselves in the shoes of the Other.

The process of dehumanization of others is a process of coming to see them as very much Other, as very much not human. A form of dehumanization occurs under stress of combat, or other very difficult situations, making a person overly focused on the self and one's little ? to the point that the death of the Other carries with it little meaning. Then one doesn't identify with the Other.

Another form of dehumanization occurs when the foe is distant and unseen. One's job is to destroy the target, and one avoids thinking about the humans there who are not visible. One must use one's imagination to conjure up sympathy for the human "collateral damage" victims, something that it doesn't pay emotionally for the soldier to do. Still another aspect of dehumanization is to continually propagandize that members of a particular group are not really human – i.e., their lives are worth nothing.

In all these cases, there is a struggle over language. The enemy isn't killed, he is "zapped" (like in a video game). The people who are killed are not people, they are "targets" or "collateral casualties."

Whatever one thinks of the rights of the fetus or newborn, the same psychological process of dehumanization occurs. One doesn't identify or empathize. It's not really human. In fact, it's not even a person. The fetus is not distant, but it is unseen as far as the woman is concerned. She avoids looking at images of fetuses, because she has a need to dehumanize the fetus. That's not so easy in the case of a newborn, but infanticide of newborns has been justified – both in the past and currently – on ground that the baby is not actually yet a person. It is an Alien. It is the Other.

Also, one doesn't use the word kill, since that connotes destruction of something that could have some right to remain alive. One uses such terms as abort and terminate, which help to psychologically buttress the Otherness of the Other. As long as the Other is sufficiently OTHER, then there is no need to consider its rights. We don't identify with the Other that has been made that much of an alien. An Other that has become sufficiently alienated – an Alien – lacks in one's eyes intrinsic value. Intrinsic value is assigned to only those we accept on one level or another.

So the question of abortion reduces to: When does a human life have intrinsic value, if ever? Moral relativists will have difficulty with that question.

FETUS AS PET ANIMAL
"Pet cat"or "pet dog" is an appropriate characterization of the present legal status of the fetus in many states.

If the owner likes it, she is free to care for and nourish it. But if not, she is free to euthanize it.

In New York State, the "pet animal" status lasts until the verge of birth (which in some cases implies "abortion" just after birth when verge-of-birth abortion fails ). Which one of Gov. Cuomo's three children would have been OK to sacrifice at the verge of birth? Would he have been fine with his then-wife Kerry deciding, just before delivery, to terminate the pregnancy?

Is the unintended uterine object (does that sound mechanical/objective enough?) your son or your daughter? If you are the woman, is that thing your male partner's son or daughter? If so, how can it be that the State denies him all rights in the decision of termination?

Again, is that entity – at whatever stage you choose – your son or your daughter, or is it only your potential son or potential daughter, analogously to an acorn being a potential oak tree (though no one thinks an acorn has a right to grow into a mature oak).

Those questions should be faced by the woman before she decides on abortion. But, we all know of the human tendency to dodge such thoughts when we are grasping for excuses to rationalize what we may believe is a morally tenuous decision. Those in the "us girls" world and their male associates think that they should help shield the woman from that sort of self-examination. Help her to dodge. Don't listen to those men. And so on. But, how are they doing her a favor by urging her, or smoothing the way for her, to make a hasty and quite possibly ill-considered decision? They are imposing their own mental wall onto her mind, which, true, may be what she wants. But, we never do another person a favor by "enabling" them to avoid thinking out what they are doing. If they won't, they won't. But we should not further that.

In fact, women who smooth the way for others to have abortions really have a moral duty to point-blank ask the abortion-seeker: "Do you see this internal entity as an actual daughter or actual son or as a potential daughter or potential son? Come back tomorrow after you have thought this over."

I realize that feminists will react: that is just what pro-lifers want, to scare and deter the woman! But that emotional reaction screens out the point that it's the feminists, if they really care about the abortion seeker, who should be defending her need to make an informed, considered choice.

In making a case that abortion can occasionally be immoral, Jane English writes, "Non-persons do get some consideration in our moral code, though of course they do not have the same rights as persons have..." Though the interests of non-persons "may be overridden by the interests of persons," yet "we cannot just treat them in any way at all."

She continues, "Treatment of animals is a case in point. It is wrong to torture dogs for fun or to kill wild birds for no reason at all. It is wrong Period, even though dogs and birds do not have the same rights persons do."

Well, there must be something behind that emotion-laden Period. And, what is behind it is English's ability to envision the suffering of the animal, or the sudden loss of its ability to enjoy its life. That is, she is identifying empathatically with the creature. The meaningfulness of its life relates to her ability to "feel" its suffering and its joy. Perhaps in many cases farmers and hunters don't empathize all that much with the animal. To the practical farmer or sporting hunter, the Other is paramount (though I am not going to delve into the multifarious arcane psychological possibilities).

Hence, English can identify – at times – with the animal, but it seems her ability to identify with the creature in the womb is limited.
1. The Rise and Fall of the Soul and Self – An Intellectual History of Personal Identity by Raymond Martin and John Barresi (Columbia 2006).
1a. From Soul and Self by Martin and Baressi:
Clarke declared that in Collins's view, consciousness, rather than being a real individual quality, would be a fleeting transferrable Mode or Power," and hence that the self would be a fiction... Collins, for his part, appealed to the analogy between consciousness and the property of roundness to blunt the force of Clarke's claim that emergent properties cannot be "real," pointing out that the ashes out of which a circle is composed, while not round individually, may be round collectively. Roundness, as even Clarke admitted, is a real property. But neither Clarke nor Collins had a principled, non-question-begging way of showing whether the comparison of consciousness and roundness is a good analogy.
Elsewhere, I talk about the Gestalt of "emergent" properties. (See Ghost Slips Ryle's Grasp) Three good examples:
1. The macro-behavior of gas emerges, statistically, from the motions of tiny molecules which do not individually have "gas-like" properties.
2. The K extinction line in a differential equation on population growth. Once a certain mathematical point is reached, the population spirals to extinction – despite the fact that there are numerous individual members still alive.
3. The topological object known as the Mobius band. Any part of that surface has, paired with every positive vector, its negative. But, the entire surface has only positive vectors.
I give those examples in order to acknowledge that the emergence argument is not altogether specious, or specious at all.
But now I would like to comment on the argument about roundness. True, individual ashes can be arranged in a circle, or loop. But, where is the template for that circle or loop? It is like a point, line or triangle. It subsists as a mathematical object or concept, but it cannot exist "in" reality. That's because we cannot see a line or point or whatever. It has no width, which our minds require for asserting tangibility.
Well, before mathematics, you say, the notion of roundness has been "picked up" by repeated experiences of similarly rounded drawings and objects. But that process does not really explain how one knows that something is round. Plato thought that the circle is an ideal, somewhat like a soul, that pre-exists and in-forms the circular phenomena of our world. I make no such claim. But I do suggest that, even after the mechanics of perception have been accounted for (and we have a long way to go in that regard), it is most difficult to say what knowledge really consists of. We know what a circle is, but that's quite a subtle and amazing outcome, really!
And that brings us back to abortion. If we really cannot track the depths of a "simple" thing like a circle, should we assume that the depths of the not-so-simple thing, the fetus, are of no particular account?
2.  "Being a Person – Does It Matter?" by Loren E. Lomasky in The Problem of Abortion Joel Feinberg, ed. (Wadsworth 1984). 3. "Abortion and the Concept of a Person" by Jane English in The Problem of Abortion Joel Feinberg, ed. (Wadsworth 1984).
In an attempt to avoid the charge of quotation out of context, I include the two full paragraphs from which the quotations are taken:
On the other hand, supposing a fetus is not after all a person, would abortion always be  morally permissible? Some opponents of abortion seem worried that if a fetus is not a full-fledged person, then we are justified in treating it in any way at all. However, this does not follow. Non-persons do get some consideration in our moral code, though of course they do not have the same rights as persons have (and in general they do not have moral responsibilities), and though their interests may be overridden by the interests of persons. Still, we cannot just treat them in any way at all.
Treatment of animals is a case in point. It is wrong to torture dogs for fun or to kill wild birds for no reason at all. It is wrong Period, even though dogs and birds do not have the same rights persons do. However few people thing it is wrong to use dogs as experimental animals, causing them considerable suffering in some cases, provided that the resulting research will probably bring discoveries of great benefit to people. And most of us think it all right to kill birds for food or to protect our crops. People’s rights are different from the consideration we give to animals, then, for it is wrong to experiment on people, even if other might later benefit a great deal as a result of their suffering.
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A short proof of the Jordan curve theorem

The following is a proposed proof. Topology's Jordan curve theorem, first proposed in 1887 by Camille Jordan, asserts that an...